Summary on Henry Ford Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Summary on Henry Ford - Essay Example The real turning point for Ford’s career was joining the Edison Company in Detroit as an engineer in 1892. Here, he struggled with building a gasoline engine strong enough to power a motorcar, but in 1896 the first Ford motorcar was born, and it could reach 90 miles per hour. From here, Ford accumulated funding and released the Ford model T in 1908, hugely increasing growth with assembly line production. Having become reputedly the richest man who ever lived, Ford was in a position to publish his opinions and moral-code on a huge scale. Ford detested all that was un-American (in his eyes), strongly backing the pioneers and detesting the immigrant Jew. This eventually led to Ford financially backing the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a widely distributed anti-Semetic text favoured by Hitler. Ford is often mistakenly assumed to be anti-History, but he had a great passion for collecting and an admiration for the American past. He used this passion further in 1920 to restore his family home using real archaeological techniques. He then went on in 1926 to recreate a whole village as a tribute to village life and God’s nature, which he truly

''Why We Crave Horror Movies'' by Stephen King Essay

''Why We Crave Horror Movies'' by Stephen King - Essay Example However, the guidelines of social morality and socially acceptable behavior, perpetually prevent us from unleashing these urges. Thus, we constantly strive to find, alternative and somewhat more acceptable ways of venting out our feelings of hostility and aggression; and in this quest of ours, we are magnetically drawn towards horror movies. Our Id -and the primitive lust for violence cherished by it - as the Freudians would remark, is able to achieve instant gratification through viewing the harrowing scenes depicted on the screen. Thus, it can be asserted that our craving for horror movies is in a way, a manifestation of the: anger, frustration and aggression that we experience in relation to the society around us. The following discussion will suffice to substantiate this point. It is a commonly observed fact that there is a disparity between our public and private selves. This dichotomy leads to a monstrously twofold existence. Our public self is governed by inhibitions whereas o ur private self constantly yearns to sever itself from the restraints of the more socially poised self. As opposed to the seemingly placid public self, the private self craves for anarchy and social rebellion. It is note-worthy that within each of us resides a spy or an imposter- forever struggling to remain hidden from the outside world. While viewing a grotesque scene or a horror movie, this imposter overshadows the much civil public self and assumes a dominant role.

The Construction of Women in Sports within the Mass Media Essay Example for Free

The Construction of Women in Sports within the Mass Media Essay Recent studies involving the role of the mass media and gender, particularly within the realm of women’s sports has brought light upon one of the most disturbing issues in society today: the under-representation and misrepresentation of women in mass media. It can be concluded that female athletes, framed by the media as objects of sexuality, or â€Å"sports cuties,† are consistently emphasized for their sexuality instead of their athleticism. Not only does this diminish their achievements in the sports arena, but it also systematically reinforces the idea that sports are a â€Å"males-only† realm. The mass media, using magazine covers, celebrity programs and news articles, focus more on female athletes as symbolic models for female sexuality than as athletes. Constantly, female athletes are portrayed in coy scenarios involving accentuated legs and breasts, or with pouting lips and scantily clad outfits. This paper will highlight some examples of research into symbolic representation of female athletes as passive, emotionally demonstrative and vulnerable objects of the sports world, whereby athletic merit is given second seat to skin and sex. Furthermore, this paper will base itself on the greater theoretical standpoint of hegemony, citing such theorists as Louis Althusser and Antonio Gramsci. The analysis will also base itself on the work of Laura Mulvey, who presents the idea of the â€Å"Male Gaze,† whereby women are shown as sexual objects for the visual purpose of men’s enjoyment. Through this analysis of women in sports and the medias response to female athletes, it is postulated that women have been systematically moved from active participants as subjects, to a more passive role as objects. This fact reinforces a particular hegemonic, patriarchal power structure, and furthermore, reinforces the power roles of those who are responsible for such representations. To lay the foundation for the analysis, it is helpful to first consider the theoretical basis of Althusser and Gramsci. The theory of ideology and hegemony is particularly relevant for the later exposition on the portrayal of women within the cultural eye of the media. Althusser states that false truths are used to maintain power. The group with the power (in this case one could take such an example as Time Warner, the owner or Sports Illustrated for Women) defines the rules of the game. This means that the group in power creates media frames and representations of reality that further construct a worldview that is conducive for the maintenance of the present day structure. Power is given to subordinate classes (the viewers of mass media) by the ruling power (Time Warner), in a way that makes it appear that they are given concessions (â€Å"We give the audience what they are asking for. †) And yet, as Gramsci outlines, these concessions are still a means of maintaining power. The genius behind such a set up lies in the fact that the ideology is created in such a way that the both the ruling class and all other classes believe that such hierarchy of power is inherent or natural. In the case of sports, the watching public believe that women are naturally meant to be depicted as sexual objects, focusing on married life and vacation preferences, instead of the active subject such as a male athlete, where a more clearly demarcated â€Å"sports focus† is enacted. Herein lies a clear real-world metaphor for the theoretical models of Althusser and Gramsci.

Impact of imaginative play on young children

Impact of imaginative play on young children Play is a fundamental aspect of early childhood. Through play, young children can begin to explore and understand the world around them from an early age, whilst simultaneously gaining a sense of enjoyment from what they are saying and doing. Piaget (1962), cited in Ariel (2002), identified four general developmental stages of play; these increase in complexity as the child matures. These stages are, in chronological order: functional play, constructive play, imaginative play and games with rules. Therefore, it can be argued that imaginative play, as part of a sequence, builds on the skills learnt and nurtured through constructive play, and prepares children for play situations involving rules and other constraints. Bodrova (2008), however, disagrees with this notion by arguing that rules must be an integral part of imaginative play. These rules are not determined by the children themselves, but by the constraints of the imaginary roles that they are playing. It is therefore possible that, in many cases, imaginative play overlaps into other types of play and incorporates more advanced and regulated thought processes than may be superficially apparent when observing what happens during imaginative play. What happens during imaginative play? Vygotsky (1986), cited in Bodrova (2008), emphasises that three elements need to be present for a play situation to be defined as imaginative: an imaginary situation, the playing of roles and the formulation of rules intrinsic to each assigned role. Singer (1994) echoes this sentiment by stressing the point that one or more children playing roles does not, in itself, constitute imaginative play: this is a misconception held by many people, including early years educators. The use of the word imaginary is, however, misleading to a certain extent. According to observations by Dockett (1998), the majority of make-believe situations do not take place in fantasy worlds with fairies and monsters; rather, they are situations drawn from the childs own memories and experiences. These can be, but are not restricted to, examples of what they have seen and heard at home and school. Another view of what constitutes imaginative play is held by Ariel (2002), who regards it as a kind of mental activity rather than a genre of external behaviour. More emphasis is placed on the thought processes required to create an imaginary situation than the words and actions involved during its enactment. These involve a child bringing mental images to life and identifying how they are being represented in real life, but also acknowledging that they are doing it for fun. It is the simultaneous combination of these thought processes that differentiate imaginative play from other types of play such as functional and constructive play. It can therefore be argued that the child must have reached a certain level of cognitive functionality to be able to think in such an ambivalent way about the way they are playing. However, no specific mention of the manipulation of and interaction with objects is made in either of these definitions. Although the use of objects is not a prerequisite of imaginative play, they can play a major part in the visualisation and representation of a fantasy (Tsao, 2002). Such objects could include, but are by no means limited to: toys, movable objects such as chairs and boxes, immovable objects such as tables and beds, and costumes. Smith (1995) discusses the way that, in imaginative play, objects can be transformed into other things to perpetuate the fantasy. However, no recognition is made of the way in which objects, once transformed, can assume different properties, such as size and shape, depending on both the imaginary situation and the type of imaginative play taking place. What types of imaginative play are there? Imaginative play is one of the general developmental stages of play. However, there are substages within this level that are dependent upon the childs mental development. Ariel (2002) identifies three stages: firstly, solitary play, where the child enacts everyday experiences; secondly, parallel play, where the child starts to introduce other characters to their experiences (although the child always plays the central role); and thirdly, sociodramatic play, which is much more structured and less self-centred. Each of these substages is assigned to different years of the childs life, although it must be stressed that these are approximations based on Ariels view of how well developed the average child should be at each stage. Furthermore, these stages appear to be discrete; it is not made clear how one level develops into the next, and what internal or external factors cause this development. In contrast, Dockett (1998) states that there are only two types of imaginative play: simple and complex. According to his observations, there must be six distinct elements present for it to be considered complex play: imitative role-play; make-believe with objects; make-believe with actions and situations; persistence; interaction; and verbal communication. There are no classifications made between these two extremes; from this, it can be concluded that, if one or more elements cannot be observed, then it is simple play. Another important point to consider is that, unlike Ariels stages of imaginative play, no clear timescale is given regarding the age and developmental stage of the child with relation to these two stages of imaginative play. However, the two elements of interaction and verbal communication suggest that more developmentally advanced forms of imaginative play can only take place when a child is involved with other children, rather than playing independently. Imaginative play can take place with or without objects or props (Singer, 1994). Singer argues that non-toy objects, such as chairs and cardboard boxes, are used more frequently in all types of imaginative play than objects defined as toys, such as dolls and model cars. The reason for this is that toys are often limited in the number of functions they can serve in the childs imagination due to their close link with reality. Taking the aforementioned model car as an example, it looks like a real car (but is obviously considerably smaller). It would be difficult to transform it into any other object or creation. Similarly, it is limited in its functionality; it can be pushed or pulled around on different surfaces, but it cannot effectively interact with other objects in general. Conversely, the simple cardboard box provides a range of possibilities for transformation and interaction, as illustrated by an observation by Singer (1994): upon seeing the box, a child calls another to say, I ts the best toy ever! Its a fort and a space shuttle, a bus, a pirate ship, a sled, a clubhouse, and a castle. What is not clarified, however, is the authors opinion on whether or not the use of toys is beneficial, both to imaginative play itself, and to developing young childrens skills and attributes. What skills and attributes can be developed as a result of imaginative play? During the early years of childrens lives, it is important that they develop a range of skills and attributes that will further their development both in and out of school. Broadly speaking, these skills and attributes fall into three categories: social, emotional and cognitive. According to Tsao (2002), childrens participation in imaginative play can facilitate their integration into peer groups through the elements of collaboration and interaction, which are in turn underpinned by verbal and non-verbal communication. This benefit is, however, dependent on the child being at the stage where they choose to play with others rather than independently. Ariel (2002) builds on this concept of collaboration in particular by arguing that children often transfer conflicts to the realm of imagination. This involves resolving personal differences that may arise during imaginative play without breaking character or leaving the confines of the imaginary situation. By doing this, the children are able to continue playing together without the risk of altercation in reality. It can be argued that this type of interaction can initiate the development of rudimentary diplomacy and empathy skills, even at a relatively early age. A different view is held by Bodrova (2008), who believes that such forms of social development, whilst important in their own right, cannot be realised without the prior building blocks of emotional development. She argues that self-esteem and self-confidence are the two emotions that benefit the most through imaginative play, and the best way to start this process is to play independently with objects and toys rather than with others. However, no distinct link is made between the stages of individual and shared play: it is unclear how these emotions, particularly self-confidence, can be developed without some form of initial interaction. Singer (1994), on the other hand, takes the view that the most important aspect of imaginative play is the way in which it brings both pleasure and a large degree of emotional satisfaction to the child or children participating in it. This serves to highlight the issue that, above all, imaginative play should be fun. Through this sense of enjoyment, children will benefit emotionally without being aware of it. It can therefore be argued that the childs need for emotional fulfilment can be a reason for, as well as a consequence of, imaginative play. Opinions are divided regarding the most significant benefit to childrens cognitive development through imaginative play. Smith (1995) and Tsao (2002) emphasise the strong link between imaginative play and creativity. Although it could be argued that this connection is self-evident, due to the intrinsically creative nature of imaginative play, it is nevertheless important to acknowledge its existence. Another important point to note is the fact that children can also develop creativity outside the medium of play by, for example, writing stories and drawing pictures. Imaginative play, while important in its own right, is simply one part of the whole process of developing creativity in children. Conversely, Singer (1994) and Ariel (2002), whilst accepting the potential benefits to childrens creative skills, believe that the development of academically related skills is a more significant consequence of imaginative play. These include, but are by no means limited to, the enhancement of vocabulary by practising new words (Singer, 1994) and the advancement of basic decision-making skills (Ariel, 2002). In imaginative play, children need to identify what objects are (especially if they have been transformed to suit the imaginary situation), what different places and characters are called, and so on. These words will be used repeatedly throughout the play episode; therefore, it is not only good practice for children to say and hear them, but it also facilitates effective verbal communication and keeps the imaginary situation going. In addition, situations frequently arise where children, whilst playing a role, need to make choices regarding, for example, how to react to something someone else has said or done, what object to use, or where to go next. As before, this decision-making process, which is often quick and well improvised, according to observations by Ariel (2002), is another essential way to keep the imaginary situation going. These skills, along with many others, can be beneficial to the childrens holistic development, not only in an imaginative play situation, but also in other areas of their lives. Are these skills and attributes transferable to other areas of the childrens lives? The skills and attributes developed in imaginative play can also be beneficial both to the development of the childs state of mind and their behaviour, particularly with regard to what is required of them as they advance through the education system. Singer (1994) holds the belief that children can sustain themselves in periods of stress with the hope generated from such imagined explorations. This stress could be caused by any of a number of contributory factors, such as an increased academic workload or an unsettled home life. However, imaginative play allows children to detach themselves from reality, albeit on a temporary basis. According to research by Ariel (2002), this time out can have a calming effect on the child, by pacifying them and providing them with ways out of their emotional entanglements. What is unclear, however, is how long this calming effect continues. The question remains of whether the use of imaginative play for this purpose of emotional detachment is a long -term solution to stress-related issues, or merely a short-term fix. Revisiting an earlier theme, Bodrova (2008) states that rules, determined by the roles played by the children, are an integral part of imaginative play. She extends this point by arguing that this following of rules can contribute to a childs readiness for formal schooling, where they will have to abide by sets of class and school rules. During their participation in imaginative play, the child has to promote their intentional behaviours and follow the directions of others so that the imaginary situation can progress. According to research by Blair (2002), cited in Bodrova (2008), the practice of this self-regulation of behaviour by playing by the rules in imaginative play often transfers itself to non-play contexts where predetermined sets of rules exist, such as formal classroom settings. The child will be more inclined to follow these new sets of rules, and their behaviour will improve as a consequence. One other important behavioural aspect, particularly with regard to younger children, is paying attention and the ability to concentrate. Generally speaking, younger children have a much shorter attention span than older children (Dockett, 1998). It is important for children to be attentive and focused when they are faced with formalised situations later on in their schooling, such as assemblies and tests. According to research by Smith (1995), participation in imaginative play focuses childrens minds on the situation in hand, and they become totally immersed in the roles they are playing. One observation by Smith (1995) was of a group of children playing castles. One child was allocated the task of sentry duty: this involved keeping watch from the top of the castle while some other children played soldiers going about their daily business inside the castle. The sentrys role was to warn the soldiers if the enemy (played by three other children) was approaching. The child playing the sentry role considered his task to be highly important, and was able to maintain a high level of concentration throughout, pretending to look in all directions and scanning the imaginary horizon. Smith (1995) argues that these higher concentration and attention levels in imaginative play will permeate into non-play contexts. However, it can be argued that this will not necessarily happen in the case of all children, because acting in an imaginary role is one matter; behaving in real-life situations is another matter entirely. Much depends on the character and personality of the child, and the behaviour expected of the child by the adults in their life. What roles can early years practitioners, parents and other adults take in imaginative play? Imaginative play can happen in any setting, both in childrens school and home lives. According to the evidence gathered so far, the same opinion is shared: it is important for adults to play some sort of role in childrens imaginative play. However, opinion is divided on the issue in two key respects: the level and timing of intervention, and the purpose of intervention. With regard to the level and timing of intervention, Singer (1994) believes that parents and practitioners should initiate imaginative play and then step back and allow the children to play on their own. In effect, the adults give the children an initial idea, and the imaginative play stems from this stimulus. This is not necessary in all cases, however, as many children will formulate their own ideas independently. Conversely, Bodrova (2008) takes the view that all children, regardless of the development of their play skills, require higher levels of adult mediation if they are to benefit from imaginative play in any social, emotional or cognitive way. As a reasonable proportion of imaginary situations are drawn from the childs past personal experiences (Dockett, 1998), one possible way to address this issue is to take an active approach by introducing the children to new experiences (Bodrova, 2008). These can include field trips to suitable locations, and child-friendly books and v ideos that relate to suitable, interesting topics. This will give children a greater knowledge base from which to draw their imaginary situations and characters, thus increasing the variety of their imaginative play. With regard to the purpose of intervention, children can be advised, if necessary, on how to construct imaginary situations and enact imaginary roles. This often takes the form of the modelling of play skills (Ariel, 2002; Tsao, 2002), such as co-operation and the invention of characters. This is particularly important if the child has shown themselves to be less advanced in these areas. This is not necessary in all cases; sometimes, childrens play skills may have developed independently and instinctively. In contrast, Smith (1995) believes that the most important reason for adult involvement in imaginative play is to facilitate the achievement of particular educational and instructional goals. He argues that imaginative play has a better chance of nurturing key life skills if the adults in the childrens lives encourage it and participate in it whenever possible. One active way for adults to participate in this developmental process is to take the child out for walks in order to teac h them about the world around them, highlighting points of interest along the way, and answering any questions the child may have about what they can see, hear and so on. This will assist in the development of key life skills such as confidence and the awareness of ones surroundings. In addition, this helps to expand the childs knowledge base through questions and simple explanations. All of these qualities will be important in the childs home and school life in the future. Further research questions In what kinds of ways can objects in imaginative play contexts assume different properties? At what age or stage of development do children engage in simple and complex play? Is it preferable to use toys and other objects in imaginative play? If so, why? If not, why not? How effective is the participation in imaginative play as a long-term solution to stress-related issues? Do any theorists believe that imaginative play should have minimal or no adult mediation or involvement? If so, who and why?

Schizophrenia, A Matter of Perception :: Schizophreania Science papers

Schizophrenia, A Matter of Perception Part 2: Reality, What Reality? What is reality? To many, reality is the ability to validate a sensory experience with another sensory experience, for example, when one is able to touch what he sees, then that something is real. Yet, our perception, the collection of all our sensory inputs formatted into the framework of the mind, is unreal. A blue box is not really blue, but consists of waves transmitted to our visual receptors. What sounds like music is really a collection of vibrations, and smells are really different molecules interacting with our nasal receptors. Our perception does not correctly reflect the true identity of an object. The electromagnetic waves absorbed and transmitted off an aggregate of mass, manifests itself as a blue cube, and all our visual limitations allows us to see is a blue cube. If reality were defined as the existence of an object as we perceive it, then reality is unreal. There are many errors to the human experiences and the human mind because mankind needs the affirmation t hat information and facts are either right or wrong. Once upon a time, the world was the center of the universe, with mankind standing at its' pedestal. Even when evidence was present, it took many years before people then learned to accept a new form of thinking. So what we view as real and right today, may just be a summary waiting to be replaced. Yet, are we ready to accept a new reality? Perception in itself varies greatly from one individual to another. No two people are the same, and no two people have the same fine tunings that discriminate the sensory environment. What our environment presents to our sensory receptors differs from what our brain presents to our perception. When presented with a painting of a blue cube, one person might notice the different textures of the paint and the background, while another might focus on the dimensions of the cube. As these images are transmitted to the brain, the schemata that is accessed by this input also varies from one individual to another. Jo may see the color blue and remember the time her father bought her a blue bike, bringing her back to happy childhood memories. The color blue may send a shiver down Bob's spine as he remembers the blue vodka bottle his alcoholic and abusive father used to drink.

Pigs Role in Animal Farm by George Orwell Essays -- Animal Farm Georg

Pigs' Role in Animal Farm by George Orwell At the start of the novel Orwell describes the pigs to be the "cleverest of the animals." This is clearly an advantage and so leads to the pigs taking over the farm. There is a sense of leadership very soon after Old Major's death as the three pigs, Snowball, Napoleon and Squealer arrange meetings with the other animals and already begin to give orders. "You do not need sugar," says Snowball. It is evident here that Snowball believes that he has power over the other animals already. Further on during the second chapter Snowball and Napoleon send for a ladder, proving that they think they can use the animals to do jobs and progresses more in chapter 3 when they believe that they can direct and supervise the other animals and not actually do the work themselves. In chapter two Napoleon says, "Comrade Napoleon will lead the way." Using the word "lead" shows that the pigs think of themselves as more than just teachers and even have their own headquarters soon after. It is clear to us that the pigs are using their intelligence to trick the other animals and play mind games with them. Orwell describes Snowball as a "more vivacious pig than Napoleon." We can see this whilst he is still on the farm, as he is always doing things to benefit the whole of the farm, not just himself whereas Napoleon is. "Snowball made a little speech, emphasizing the need for all animals to be ready to die for Animal farm if need be." It is evident from this quote that Snowball is very passionate about the farm and will do anything to improve it. His passion for the farm is very much shown at the battle of the cowshed where he is in charge of the attack against Jones and other farmers. ... ...oleon-we have won every inch of it back again!" Squealer is making it out to be a good thing maybe because Napoleon wants the animals to still think of him as a great leader. The animals soon believe that what they have done is great and so join in with the celebrations. Another use of Squealer by Napoleon is to increase the belief that Snowball is a menace so they think of Napoleon as a better leader and Snowball as a traitor. Napoleon is always maintaining his power throughout the novel and also uses Squealer to do this by giving credit to Napoleon for everything and reminding the animals that he is a great leader even if what he is doing is wrong. This way the pigs are able to benefit greatly from communism which is what they wanted from the rebellion. They show no interest in improving the farm itself but only in the strength of their power over it.

Persaid History :: essays research papers

Perseid History This is the most famous of all meteor showers. It never fails to provide an impressive display and, due to its summertime appearance, it tends to provide the majority of meteors seen by non-astronomy enthusiasts. The earliest record of its activity appears in the Chinese annals, where it is said that in 36 AD "more than 100 meteors flew thither in the morning." Numerous references appear in Chinese, Japanese and Korean records throughout the 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th centuries, but only sporadic references are found between the 12th and 19th centuries, inclusive. Nevertheless, August has long had a reputation for an abundance of meteors. The Perseids have been referred to as the "tears of St. Lawrence", since meteors seemed to be in abundance during the festival of that saint on August 10th, but credit for the discovery of the shower's annual appearance is given to Quà ©telet (Brussels), who, in 1835, reported that there was a shower occurring in August that emanated from the constellation Perseus. The first observer to provide an hourly count for this shower was Eduard Heis (Mà ¼nster), who found a maximum rate of 160 meteors per hour in 1839. Observations by Heis and other observers around the world continued almost annually thereafter, with maximum rates typically falling between 37 and 88 per hour through 1858. Interestingly, the rates jumped to between 78 and 102 in 1861, according to estimates by four different observers, and, in 1863, three observers reported rates of 109 to 215 per hour. Although rates were still somewhat high in 1864, generally "normal" rates persisted throughout the remainder of the 19th-century. Computations of the orbit of the Perseids between 1864 and 1866 by Giovanni Virginio Schiaparelli (1835-1910) revealed a very strong resemblance to periodic comet Swift-Tuttle (1862 III). This was the first time a meteor shower had been positively identified with a comet and it seems safe to speculate that the high Perseid rates of 1861-1863 were directly due to the appearance of Swift-Tuttle, which has a period of about 120 years. Multiple returns of the comet would be responsible for the distribution of the meteors throughout the orbit, but meteors should be denser in the region closest to the comet, so that meteor activity should increase when the comet is near perihelion (as has been demonstrated by the June Boà ¶tids, Draconids and Leonids). As the 20th-century began, the maximum annual hourly rates of the Perseids